Mark Adomanis, writing in Forbes magazine, continues his attacks on the Guardian´s coverage of Putin´s mafia state. This time it is one of the Guardian´s "increasingly frequent editorials against Putin" which has angered this faithful servant of the Russian dictator:
"The Guardian Seriously Overestimates Vladimir Putin's Weakness and Vulnerability"
I understand that Russia’s political institutions are much more brittle than those of any Western democracy and that Putin is therefore far more vulnerable to a sudden change in public opinion. But, since it has sufficed in the past, 2/3s approval would seem to be sufficient for the broad continuation of the status quo.
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I can fully understand and sympathize with The Guardian’s evident desire to see Putin replaced: the Pussy Riot trial really is quite a revolting bit of political theater, and it stands to reason that such stunts will only become more common as the Kremlin seeks to drive a wedge between the progressive and conservative parts of Russian society. But I think it’s a big mistake to over-estimate Putin’s weakness and vulnerability: this will tend to raise expectations that cannot possible be fulfilled. Perhaps I’m wrong, but it looks to me like Russia’s current economic and political trends suggest maintenance of the existing system, however rotten and objectionable that system may be.
In this column Adomanis again uses the same technique that he has applied so many times before: First he pretends to "understand and sympathize" with those who criticize the dictator, but his conclusion is always that they are wrong and that Putin is safely in charge.
The Guardian, of course, knows Russia much better than the self-proclaimed Kremlin "expert" Adomanis:
For now Putin remains unassailable and secure. His response to growing disquiet has been even further repression. Parliament has rushed through new legislation giving Putin ever greater powers to stifle opposition. Even before he marks his 100 days in power in the middle of next month, the new laws include a requirement for non-governmental organisations to carry a "foreign agent" tag; the right for government to block access to blacklisted internet sites purportedly dealing with child pornography and drug abuse and the recriminalising of slander and libel (decriminalised six months ago by Putin's predecessor, Dmitry Medvedev), and the imposition of huge fines.
Repression will continue to work until such point as the anxiety and anger moves from the fringes to the centre of Russian society. That has not yet happened. But political power is based on trust, faith and confidence. It is a delicate ecosystem that can come apart if warning signals are not properly heeded. The Kremlin are looking less sure-footed than they once did. Their reaction to Pussy Riot is a case in point. It would be deeply ironic if the actions of a group of bright, articulate young women were to signal the beginning of the end for the world's most macho political leader.
Read the entire article
here
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